Wednesday, September 29, 2010

Week 5 Blog Post

Week 5 Blog Post

Comments on Major Problems in the Civil War and Reconstruction Documents and Essays:

According to John Cochran’s letter, he pledged his devotion to his state of Virginia before the nation. He referred to Virginia as “this proud old mother of states.” He believed that the slave owners would leave and that “Yankees and other such like vermin” would come in to take their place. (Perman and Taylor, 179). Cochran seemed to realize that the secession of Virginia along with the other states might trigger Civil War. When he refers to “this fair land,” I think that he means Virginia and not just the United States as a hole. If this is the case, then he would prefer to see Virginia “drenched in the blood of contending brothers” rather then stay in the Union. This is a point that I personally cannot image sharing at that time. Nevertheless, Cochran specifically felt the need for a second revolution and he thought there were enough other people who supported the seceding states to make victory possible.

In his letter, Charles Harvey Brewster made it clear that he did not want runaway slaves to be returned to their masters. He derided his fellow officers who would do so. It was particularly telling when Brewster said that he thought Major Marsh would put more effort into returning a fugitive slave than fighting for the Union. The letter also documented the extent of fighting within the Union army camps over both the moral and legal obligations involved in whether to return fugitive slaves. (The fugitive slaves are called Contrabands because they are technically in the army camp illegally.) Brewster was from Massachusetts where he would have exposed to more abolitionist sentiments. He was speaking not just for himself but also for other recruits from his state when he spoke of Massachusetts blood being “riled.” They were “humbled” because they had to follow the orders of their captain or be accused of insubordination. (Perman and Taylor, 180) Brewster expressed his concern over the slaves when he stated, “I don’t know what will be done with them …” (P & T, 181)

Charles Willis who was from Illinois had a different perspective from Brewster on the runaway slaves. He was completely unconcerned about them and that they were much “better off with their masters.” (P & T, 181) He added that he wouldn’t help to send a slave back to his owner because he would be blamed. (by his unit?) He noted that his general pacified the slave owners by telling them that he would not allow the slaves to leave with the army but then did not keep his word. Willis knew that would cause trouble for the Indiana regiments that will be left to guard the territory.

Eugene Blackford’s letter to his father was a good description of combat and camp life. He stated that the enemy (the Union side) had the minie muskets which gave them a firing advantage. It was interesting to read that he “never expected to be alarmed or excited in battle.” Fortunately, he was not disappointed with himself. Because he acted “cool” under fire, he anticipated always functioning that way. (P & T, 183) He referred to “my men” which makes me think that he might have been an officer. He described the hardships of being exposed to the elements and having inadequate food not to complain but as a way of expressing his pride for himself and his men for enduring them. (P & T, 183-84).

Wilbur Fisk’s letter was very insightful concerning the effects of political peace advocates and defeatists upon troop morale. It was a good idea for him to send this letter to a Northern newspaper (Montpelier, Vermont). That way both the politicians and the public could hear directly from a soldier instead of relying on assumptions. This letter was written in April 1863 after Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation went into effect. I think Fisk might be referring to that proclamation when he said, “the depths of principle involved in this controversy, and the wisdom of the policy the Government is adopting to bring it to an issue that God must forever approve.” (P & T, 185) Low morale can be fatal to soldiers and cause them to lose battles further reinforcing defeat and prompting desertions.

Lack of support from the public on the home front was especially a problem during the Vietnam War.  Due to media coverage concerning morale in Iraq and Afghanistan, many politicians and citizens protesting against the war stated publically that they supported the soldiers for serving their country but wanted to bring them home as soon as possible.

Tally Simpson’s letter home was a good example of a Confederate soldier trying to justify the turn in tide of battle after the defeats at Vicksburg and Port Hudson.  The soldier foresaw more major cities including Savannah, Mobile, and Richmond becoming lost to the Yankees. The letter revealed the intense religious devotion that was entwined with the fighting of the war. Simpson was attempting to keep his spirits up through his Christian faith. The Confederate losses must have been part of God’s plan, Simpson reasoned. “He [God] is working for the accomplishment of some grand result.” (P & T, 187) Instead of bitterly blaming the Confederate leaders, Simpson told himself that God directed them. He spoke of the war as God’s means to punish and humble the nation. (I think he is referring to just the Confederacy.) Yet, Simpson believed if he and his fellow soldiers maintained their trust in God and continued “working [fighting] in good earnest” that the Confederacy would be “victorious in the end.” (P & T, 187) This same line of thinking regarding God’s favor or disfavor would be employed by the South after the war in the Redemption.

Aaron Sheedan-Dean’s essay “Confederate Enlistment in Civil War Virginia” did a good job of revealing the diverse reasons why Virginians supported the Confederacy and the war in general. (P & T, 187-199) In my opinion, Dean did not draw a clear distinction between those who supported the Union and those who ended up fighting for the Confederacy based upon socioeconomic and demographic factors. He states that there were Confederate recruits even from pro-Union northwest Virginia which would eventually form the new Union state of West Virginia. (P & T, 188) I can understand how Lincoln’s call-up of troops would make the “unionists look irresponsible” and cause some of them to switch their support to the Confederacy. (P & T, 189) Deen did not report the enlistment statistics for the various Virginian counties in an organized fashion so that a clear pattern could be discernable to the reader. I feel as though I would have to reread the whole essay and make up my own chart in order to be able to match and summarize all the enlistment percentages with their socioeconomic and demographic factors. What was clear from the essay was that “a wide variety of incentives” contributed to support from the Confederacy. (P & T, 198) Deen repeated the main motivations given elsewhere that Christianity, politics, the status of slavery, the need to prove one’s manhood, and the preservation of the status quo all contributed to southern secession and mobilization for war.

Chandra Manning’s essay “White Union Soldiers on Slavery and Race” (P & T, 199-209) was well-organized and easier to follow than Deen’s above. She systematically discusses the different views concerning emancipation of the slaves based upon race and deployment in the war. To us in the twenty-first century, it seems obvious to us that Union victory required emancipation as it did to black Americans in 1861. Manning did a good job explaining why it was not equally obvious to white Americans at the start of the war. The Union soldiers stationed in the South saw that they must deprive the Southerners of their workforce. Yet that would create a problem concerning what to do with the freed slaves. Due to prejudice, the North didn’t want them. Manning makes a good point that many Union soldiers separated emancipation from racism in their minds. They could be against slavery and still see the black race as inferior to the white race. Unfortunately, this view is still held by some Americans today.

Written by Molly Kettler

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